[ Contents ]
Since Cesar de Paepe and Vandervelde, five generations of traitors have fought the
momentum of the workers striving towards socialism. We can only express our sympathy for
the tens of thousands of workers of the PS-SP that have given their utmost, only to be
attacked, insulted, disdained and demoralized by their leaders. The experience of a
century of treason highlights the essential question: capitalism or socialism,
collaboration with the exploiters or class struggle, dictatorship of the bourgeoisie or
dictatorship by the workers.
The basis of the bourgeoisie's dictatorship is the private property of the means of
production. The capitalists seek maximum profit and, in the name of this law, the workers
must undergo the dictatorship of capital: redundancies, over-exploitation, flexibility,
destruction of physical and psychological health, fear of what tomorrow holds in reserve,
expulsion of radical shop-stewards, police repression when they stand up for their rights.
No economic or social acquisition, no democratic right is definitively guaranteed for the
workers as long as the means of production are the property of a class of exploiters.
The private property of the means of production is the foundation for the division of
society into social classes that are antagonistic in their opposition. The capitalists
invest in the sole aim of obtaining maximal profit. The unsatisfied needs of the workers
are immense: a job that respects their dignity, high-level education, health protection,
decent housing, the possibility to participate in cultural, scientific or sporting
activities. These neeeds are not satisfied for the simple reason that they do no create
enough profits for the capitalists. On one side, you have poverty and dire need created by
capitalism; on the other tens of millions of workers on the dole, surproduction of goods
and capital. The tiny minoruty of the very rich become even richer, the poor become ever
poorer. It is only through class struggle that the workers can wrench concessions from the
capitalists and prepare the overthrowing and the expropriation of the dominant
bourgeoisie.
The state is the product of the irreductible antagonism between the classes, the state is
the instrument created by the bourgeoisie to protect its interests, a machine to imposes
their ideological and political dictatorship. This dictatorship is carried out through the
electoral mascardes, through the creation of laws serving the interests of the
capitalists, through indoctrination and ideological conditioning. When these means are no
longer effective,the State uses its police and army to smash the popular forces, as we
have seen once more in Los Angeles, in 1992.
Following intensive class struggles, in a moment of generalized crisis, the workers will
overthrow the exploiters, the oppressed classes will build a new, socialist state, on the
ruins of the capitalist state.
In Europe, the bourgeoisie's power has maintained itself, during the 20th century, through
the exploitation of the ThirdWorld. Since the start of the century, the social-democratic
parties have collaborated with their bourgeoisie for the maintaining of colonialism and
neo-colonialism. The struggle of the oppressed peoples of the Third World against the
dictatorship of foreign capital is fully part of the international struggle for the
overthrowing of capitalism. The workers of Europe must prepare their own liberation by
unconditionally upholding all the anti-imperialist struggles in the Third World.
The capitalists of all countries unite in the multinationals. The Belgian bourgeoisie are
internationalists that unite with the bourgeoisies of all colour and nationalities in view
of obtaining maximum profit. But more the bourgeoisie becomes internationalist, more they
strive to smash the international solidarity of the workers. To maintain its domination in
the face of the actual crisis, the bougeoisie must utterly divide the international
working class through nationalism, racism, religious fundmentalism, ethnicism,
regionalism.
To overcome their ennemies, the workers must be the most consequent internationalists ans
stand in defence of the workers and exploited all over the world. Financial capital and
investments cross the border lines without any difficulty. We demand that the workers
benefit from the same liberty, in the interest of their common struggle against
capitalism.
Lenin proclaimed it in 1914 and Stalin affirmed it once more in 1952: imperialism means
war. On the capitalist world market, every crisis has an international dimension. Each
imperialist power tries to control the raw materials, the lucrative markets, the strategic
regions by using military and political means. To evince competition, an imperialist power
will go so far as to provoque and sustain reactionary civil wars, as in Algeria or Sudan.
Today, the United States, Germany and Japan compete for world hegemony. The struggle
between imperialist blocs has already caused two world wars. With the deepening of the
generalized crisis of capitalism, the danger of a new world war looms again.
We do not now what countries and what peoples will be first to break the chains of
oppression and terror and to instore socialism. But their victories will also be the
result of the sum of the anti-capitalist struggles of all the workers of the world. The
21st century will witness the powerful upsurge of the international socialist revolution.
In all countries, the working class must become conscious of its historical, revolutionary
duty.
[ Contents ]
It is these class-truths that the social-democracy has fought against since a century.
But it is only due to this fundamental, radical view of history that our party can be
lucid and stand strong in the daily struggles. So that these struggles may be more
radical, the WPB has shown that there are ways and means to solve the major social
problems.
Under the actual PSC-PS (Christian-Social-Democrat) government, the revenues of fortune
(dividends, percentages of profits, interests and return on capital) have increased from
932 billions to 1.611 billions in 8 years(1987 to 1995). Since the two socialist parties
have entered government, the profits of the firms have increased. The employers say they
slash salaries to invest. But the firms speculative investments have increased from 430,5
billion in 1987 to 1.009,4 billion in 1993! (139)
On this Ist of May, Anne-Marie Appelmans, chairman of the FGTB-Brussels (socialist
trade-union), was much applauded when she declared: 'I believe there is a strong current
that can unite us around another kind of politics'. (140) She is absolutely right. But
then one must correctly outline what this 'other kind' of politics must be;
we need a programme on level with the problems that must be solved. Or else, those who now
vote for the Onkelinx laws will also say, tomorrow, that they are for 'another kind of
politics'. And they will try to sell us, with some additional demagogic formulas, the same
class collaboration line.
[ Contents ]
This is why we have worked out a programme in 5 points:
1. It is the banks that benefit the most from the public debt of 10.800 billion francs. An
obligatory bond emission with reduced interests will producee a revenue of 50 billion
francs a year for the State.
2. During these last ten years, the government has reduced the effectives taxes of the
companies to 20%. Bringing the percentage of taxation back to 40% as in 1985, would
produce 150 billion francs a year.
3. Actually, there are no taxes on wealth in Belgium. A tax of 2% on fortunes of more than
20 million francs = 100 billion francs.
4. The revenues of capital are not as heavily taxed as those of labour. Taxing the
revenues of capital at the same level as those of labour = 125 bilions a year.
5. The taxes on physical persons must be effectively progressive and more heavily tax high
revenues. Result: 75 billions.
These five mesure could reap 500 billion francs for the state treasury. This programme has
received a large echo in all the recent social movements, notably amongst the teachers.
Our party has organised a large referendum, in which 19.109 workers participated. This
programme was approved by 89% of the participants.
[ Contents ]
It is our political vision with its broad historical perspectives and our communist
programme that motivates our members to actively participate in all the major
working-class struggles.
At Opel, formerly GM, our members have enquired amongst the workers to precisely define
their demands. On the11th of march, the first strike in 23 years broke out at Opel. A
trade-unionist declared: 'The boss pushes us to extremes. If you protest, he says: ''In
the Third-Wordl, they only earn 10% of your salaries and they work 12 hours a day'. But GM
fired 75.000 workers all over the world and made a net profit of 205 billion francs in
1995. We can no longer stand this infernal system with its imperatives of competition.
Before, I used to laugh about the WPB's leaflets and your speeches about violent
revolution and the new socialist society. But today, I am increasingly convinced that it's
the only solution.'
In a major newspaper one could read: 'According to the secretary of the CSC (Christian
trade-union), most of the actual problems are caused by the WPB, that has been active at
Opel'. (141) You see! The problems at Opel? It is the WPB. Nothing to do with capitalist
exploitation.
The bourgeoisie wants to close Clabecq and transform the region of Tubize into a social
desert. On the third of february, a10.000 people strong demonstration expressed the
workers anger. A worker of Clabecq said on television: 'It's social ruin. We are going
back to 1900. We'll have to go to the barricades. People will scream that they are hungry.
We are going towards a social revolution'. (142)
The president of the liberal party, Louis Michel, answered: 'We will have to examine the
necessity of closing of the Forges de Clabecq. They are not even socialists of the FGTB,
they are WPB-members. It is the extreme-left that dominates and terrorizes this region'.
You see? (143) The problems at Clabecq - the WPB again, that terrorizes the region.
Nothing to do, of course, with the employers, who want to precipitate 2.050 families into
dire poverty.
[ Contents ]
In the french-speaking part of the country, a movement is being developed by students
and teachers which is far more advanced than what we have seen in 1968. It is a fantastic
movement for the democratization of education but which also sets forth the problem of the
nature of our society.
Confronted by this movement, Busquin, president of the Socialist Party, has cleverly
remarked that: 'Laws have never taken into account what is going on in the streets' and
'The normal democratic process is unfolding. The government proposes and Parliament
decides'. (144) Robert Neuray, CGSP-Liège answered: 'Their is a divorce between a social
movement of unprecedented strength and the attitude of the PSC-PS that no longer have any
democratic legitimacy'. (146) And R. Manchon, CGSP Brussels also answered: 'It is no
longer necessary to expect anything from the politicians; they are just passive
executors'. (147)
Effectively, the students and the teachers who are giving lessons of fighting spirit and
perseverance have also received from the police and the PS some precious lecons concerning
bourgeois democracy. Not only the students and the teachers but also the majority of the
workers that voted for the PS are opposed to the dismantling of the educational
system.Teachers and students are carrying out a stuggle unique in Belgian history, an
exemplary, altruist struggle, for a high quality educational system, for a future for the
young generation.
But the leaders of the PS insult them, denigrate their struggle, make use of blackmail,
try to oppose workers and teachers, organize brutal police violence. And protected by
1.050 policemen and gendarmes, they 'democratically' vote a law that the people utterly
reject. And they say: 'That's democracy, you voted for us!'. The workers realize that they
have voted for false promesses, for lies, for demagogical slogans. And, in the name of
this vote, the PS wants to force them to passively accept dicatorship, arbitrary, the
dismantling of the educational system!
Democracy is, during the elections, a vast exercice of demagogy and false promises on the
behalf of the parties that are upheld by the employers; democracy is, after the elections,
the most complete disdain for the worker's lives and demands.
After the demonstration of the 2nd of April, Le Soir could not conceal the savagery of the
enforcers of law and order. They wrote: 'In the eyes of the police, drunk with desire for
vengeance, unleashed like mad dogs, there was only one thing: hatred'. This is an objectif
appraisal. Then comes the intoxication: 'The savagery of the police was on par with that
of the hooligans. Provoked by a few extremists of the WPB, the police charged the
demonstrators without any restraint' (148). You see? Once more, it was all the fault of
the WPB. When other policemen, at Liège, were also unleashed like 'mad dogs', Busquin
declared: 'All the socialists share our problem: a feeling of revolt, because the
inequalities are becoming stronger, responsability, because the PS can find arrangements.
According to the position you occupy, one expresses rather one's revolt or one's sense of
responsability. When repressing the student's demonstration in Liège, Jean-Marie Dehousse
was guided by his sense of responsability.' (149) Fantastic! You really have to be a great
philosopher to come up with those conclusions! The small militant of the PS, at his post,
expresses his revolt; the PS leader, at his post, expresses his sense of responsability by
having the little militant bludgeoned and bloodied!
[ Contents ]
The bourgeoisie as a whole, including the leaders of the PS and the SP, are engaged in
a psychological war against all the forces that resist the assaults of big capital. During
the struggles of the students and the teachers, we have seeen 'case histories' of
intoxication. Intoxication against the trade-union leaders, intoxication against the
striking teachers, intoxication against the WPB.
Let us start with the intoxication developed by a leading financial newspaper: 'Some of
the teacher's trade-union leaders have adopted an attitude of permamnent negativism and
blackmailing that would have disqualified them from the start, had they not, through
systematic disinformation, created a sort of revolutionary climate, completly
anachronistic in the world we are living in'. (150) A trade-union leader that upholds his
affiliates is accused of blackmail, disinformation and anachronism.
Then there is the intoxication of Philippe Moureaux, concerning the teachers that kept him
from making his mystifying st of May speech: 'We are not going to fight against a mix of
sincere militants and social-fascists.' (151) So the militants who are honestly and really
'left' and who refuse the destructive plans of the bourgeoisie are accused of 'opening the
way to fascism'! But the same who were called social-fascists in Brussels were described
as crypto-communists in Charleroi!
This brings us to the intoxication against the WPB. Busquin says that during the 1
May: 'There was, in Charleroi, 1,200 people who were applauding and 200 rowdies. They were
manipulated by a WPB militant of the Sacré-Coeur of Charleroi'. (152) And that's how
Busquin sawthis unforgetable 1 May: 1,300 people madly applauding him, a small
minority of 200 rowdies, and why? Well, because this small minority was manipulated by one
lonely WPB militant.
[ Contents ]
The WPB is the only party in Belgium whose members are fully devoted to the worker's
emancipation. The party listens to their demands and aspirations. It helps them formulate
them in a clear and radical way. The WPB helps develops a socialist attitude: we must
destroy capitalism, before capitalism destroys humanity, only socialism can open a future
for the working class. The workers increasingly recognize themselves in the activities and
programme of the WPB.
A bourgeois newspaper was forced to admit that the teachers and radical trade-unionists
see that only the WPB offers a serious anticapitalist alternative. The Nouvelle Gazette
writes: 'An organization that was thought to be marginal, the WPB, proved itself to be an
unbypassable political force. It is Philippe Moureaux who said it himself: at Charleroi,
Liège, Froidchapelle or Aubange, the leaders of the WPB reduced the socialist orators to
silence. In the face of this movement towards the left, the National Front trembles and
Philippe Busquin is not far from saying that the newspapermen are 'paving the way for the
extreme-left.' (153)
All the insults and attacks against GVDW only an indirect way of recognizing this truth:
our militants were exemplary in the defense of the righteous demands of the workers, the
teachers and the students. They have deserved their trust. Which does not keep us from
saying that our work must still be much improved.
We are going towards important social struggles in Belgium, Europe and the world. And we
say to the workers, the teachers, the jobless, the young people who do no want a future of
dire poverty, inequality, repression and war: join the Party, the Party needs you, you
need the Party!
Our Party must open its doors wide for the intellectuals and workers who understand the
treachery of the social-democratic leaders.
We must put an end to certain sectarian and bureaucratic habits that have been radically
criticized during our Vth Congress, last year. In accordance with the criticisms of the
Congress, our workers cells have reoriented their work and 236 new workers have entered
the Party or are about to do so. Let us greet into the Party all those who want to
struggle against capitalism and wish to be educated in marxism-leninsm so as to better
carry out this struggle.
Long live the workers!
Long live the Workers' Party of Belgium!
Long live marxism-leninism!
Long live proletarian internationalism!
SP (Socialistische Partij) = social-democratic party in the Dutch speaking ('Flemish')
part of the country.
PS (Parti Socialiste) = social-democratic party in the French speaking ('Walloon') part.
Verhofstadt = leading politician of the rightist 'Liberal' Party.
August Cool = late leader of the Christian democrat trade union ACV.
Global Plan = series of measures worked out by the Christian democrat / social democrat
government in 1994.
Vlaams Blok = 'Flemish' fascist party
Di Rupo = social-democratic minister
Liberal = belonging to the 'enlightened' bourgeois Liberal Party of the 19th century and
the first half of the 20th.
1. Kerensky, La Russie au tournant de l'histoire , (written on November
22, 1917), Ed. Plon, 1967, p. 595-596.
2. Frank Vandenbroucke, 'Sovjetunie en socialisme', in Socialistische Standpunten
, 1990, nr. 5.
3. Unicef, Poverty, Children and Policy , regional monitoring report
nr.3-1995, p. 118; Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung , 24/2/96.
4. Argumenti i Fakti , 24/1/96.
5. International Herald Tribune, 16/1/1992, 'Germany on Aiding Ex-Soviets'; Argumenti
i Fakti, 27/3/96.
6. Argumenti i Fakti, 14/3/1996.
7. Frank Vandenbroucke, Sovjetunie en socialisme, in Socialistische Standpunten
, 1990, nr.5, p. 51-52.
8. Unicef, Poverty, Children and Policy , p. 16.
9. Le Monde , 25/2/96, 'Les arriéres de salaire en Russie atteignent 20
milliards de francs.'
10. Unicef, Poverty, Children and Policy , p. 19.
11. Idem, p. 147.
12. Idem, p. 111.
13. Idem, p. 25.
14. Idem, p. 110.
15. Robert Falony, 'URSS, l'érosion', in Socialisme , nr.219, mai-juin 1990,
p. 212.
16. Brief van 10 september 1990.
17. Beknopt Verslag Kamer, 20/9/1990, p. 1420.
18. Gazet van Antwerpen , 3/1/1991.
20. Le Soir , 25/1/1991.
21. International Herald Tribune , 1/3/91.
22. Le Monde , 19/1/1996, p. 12, Génocide froid en Irak.
23. International Herald Tribune , 26/4/1993; Unicef-rapport 1993.
24. Paul Vanden Bavière, Ze komen uit het Oosten , uitg. Scoop, p. 69.
25. Vredeskrant Vaka-OCV , november 1990, p. 23-24.
26. Strobe Talbott, Die Zeit , 6/10/1995, Warum die Nato wachsen muss.
27. Karsten Voigt (Germany and Tamas Wachsler (Hungary), Projet de rapport spécial
- L'élargissement de l'OTAN , Assemblée de l'Atlantique Nord, Mei 1995, AM 95
DSC/NE (1995) 1, page 15.
28. 'De declaratie van Rome inzake Vrede en Samenwerking en het nieuwe strategische
concept'. Navo-kroniek , nr.6, december 1991, p. 19-32.
29. Javier Solana, Revue de l'OTAN , nr.2, mars 1996, p. 4-5.
30. Geciteerd in: Christian Schmidt-haüser, Die Zeit , 1/3/1996, 'Der kalte
Krieg ist noch lange nicht vorbei.'
31. Le Figaro , 11/10/1995, 'La bataille de l'or noir du Caucase.'
32. Christian Schmidt-Haüser, Die Zeit , 1/3/1996.
33. Der Spiegel , nr.45, 1994, p. 8.
34. Christian Schmidt-Haüser, Die Zeit , 1/3/1996.
35. E. Pond, The Wall Street Journal , 21/3/96, 'Russia's threats to Ukraine
may backfire.'
36. Survival , vol.37, nr.1, Asmus, Kugler and Larraber, (analysts of the
Rand Corporation). 'Nato Expansion, The next steps.'
37. E. Pond, The Wall Street Journal , 21/3/96.
38. Survival , vol.37, nr.1, Asmus, Kugler and Larraber, (analysts of the
Rand Corporation), 'Nato Expansion, The next steps.'
39. Le Monde , 17/3/96, 'Le Parlement russe restaure l'Union soviétique.'
40. International Herald Tribune, 21/3/96, Why it matters whether Yeltsine wins.
41. E. Pond, The Wall Street Journal , 21/3/96, 'Russia's threats to Ukraine
may backfire.'
42. Strobe Talbott, Die Zeit , 6/10/95, 'Warum die NATO wachsen muss.'
43. De Standaard , 16/3/96 en 23/3/96.
44. Revue de l'OTAN , nr.2, 1996, p. 4-5.
45. Ronald Asmus, senior analyst at Rand Corporation, International Herald Tribune,
30/12/94 'Washington is right to prepare expansion of NATO.'
46. Brzezinski, International Herald Tribune, 30/12/94, 'Two tracks for
NATO.'
47. Frankfurter Allgemeiner Zeitung , 13/12/1995.
48. Revue de l'OTAN , januari 1996, p. 16.
49. Der Spiegel , 5/1995.
50. International Herald Tribune, 7/12/1995.
51. Louis Tobback, Zwart op Wit, Uitg. Houtekiet-Hadewych 1995, p. 109-110.
52. Idem, p. 91.
53. PS-Entreprises , nr. 18, januari 1993, p. 48.
54. Projet de programme électoral, Congrès du PS, 26/10/ 1991.
55. L'Echo , 17/4/1996, p. 5.
56. RTBF-radio, 23/3/1994.
57. Financieel Ekonomische Tijd, 1/6/95, 'Europese kommissie spant zich voor
de kar.'
58. Dore Smets en Jef Rens, Historique du Centre Syndical Belge à Londres 1941-1944
, Ed. FGTB.
59. Diskussienota sociale zekerheid , Colloqium, 20/12/1995, p. 7-8.
60. Ekonomische vooruitzichten 95-99, p. 90.
61. Avancées , april '96, p. 11.
62. Ekonomische vooruitzichten 95-99; p. 62, Tabel 30.
63. Humo , 5/3/96, p. 39.
64. Tobback, Zwart op wit , blz. 96.
65. Vande Lanotte in La Libre Belgique, 7/2/96, Nous voulons maîtriser les flux
migratoires.
66. Idem.
67. Idem.
68. De Standaard , 10/2/96, blz. 23.
69. Beknopt Verslag , Kamerzitting, 10/1/96, p. 2-4.
70. Humo , 5/3/96, p. 39.
71. Louis Tobback, Zwart op wit , p. 95-96-97.
72. Idem, p. 91-92.
73. Kris Van Limbergen, 'Veiligheidscontracten zorgen voor doorbraak in preventiebeleid', Terzake
, praktijkblad gemeentebeleid, nr. 4, april 1994, p. 2.
74. Vande Lanotte, Nota aan de ministerraad , 27/9/95, p. 28.
75. Idem, p. 29.
76. Idem, p. 23.
77. Idem, p. 8.
78. Idem, p. 10.
79. Idem, p. 27.
80. Idem, p. 25.
81. Idem, p. 31.
82. Idem, p. 32.
83. Idem, p. 32.
84. Idem, p. 11.
85. Kris Van Limbergen, Terzake , nr. 4, april 1994, p. 4.
86. Idem, p. 2.
87. Idem, p. 9.
88. Eindrapport van het Koninklijk Kommissariaat voor het migrantenbeleid ,
p. 79.
89. Kris Van Limbergen, p. 4-5.
90. Isabelle Poulet, kriminologe, UCL, Nouvelle Tribune , nr. 2-3, maart-juni
1994, p. 68-70.
91. Prof. Maria De Bie in De Morgen, 9/9/95.
92. De Standaard , 2/5/96, p. 2.
93. La Wallonie, 2/5/ 96, p. 9.
94. Renard, p. 67.
95. POB, Compte-rendu des Congrès du 30-31 mars et du 4 mai 1902, Impr.
Brismée, Brussel, 1902, p. 96.
96. Vandervelde, Souvenirs d'un militant socialiste , Editions Denoël,
Paris, 1939, p. 59-61.
97. Marx-Engels, La guerre civile en France , Oeuvres Choisies, Moscou, 1955,
p. 548-549 en 513.
98. Marx-Engels, Le Manifeste , Oeuvres Choisies, Moscou, 1955, p. 33.
99. Marx-Engels, p. 512.
100. Faut-il changer , p. 107.
101. Vandervelde, Le collectivisme et l'évolution industrielle , Ed. Rieder,
Paris, 1921, p. 184.
102. Le Socialisme contre l'Etat, 1914, Ed. de l'Institut Emile Vandervelde,
1949, p. 56.
103. Le collectivisme et l'évolution industrielle, p. 224.
104. Idem, p. 227-228.
105. Vandervelde, Souvenirs, p. 291.
106. Vandervelde, La Belgique envahie et le socialisme international, Ed.
Berger-Levrault, Paris, 1917, p. 12.
107. Idem, p. 162.
108. Vandervelde, Souvenirs , p. 179.
109. La Belgique envahie , p. 109.
110. Idem, p. 73.
111. Idem, p. 74.
112. Idem, p. 3.
113. Le socialisme contre l'Etat , p. 89.
114. La Belgique envahie , p. 71 en 125.
115. Idem, p. 10.
116. Vandervelde, Souvenirs, 1939, p. 282-3.
117. Pierre Joye en Rosine Lewin, Les Trusts au Congo , Société Pop.
d'Editions, Brussel, 1961, p. 202-204.
118. Vandervelde, Souvenirs , p. 76 et 78.
119. Idem, p. 78.
120. Joye en Lewin, Les Trusts au Congo , p. 217.
121. Idem, p. 37.
122. Janet Polasky, Emile Vandervelde, le Patron , Ed Labor, 1995, p. 55.
123. Vandervelde, Les derniers jours de l'Etat du Congo , Ed. Nouvelle
Société, Mons-Paris, 1909, p. 190-191.
124. Idem, p. 192-193.
125. Vandervelde, La Belgique et le Congo , Ed. Félix Alcan, Paris, 1911, p.
264.
126. Idem, p. 268.
127. Idem, p. 172 et 268-269.
128. Vandervelde, Les derniers jours de l'Etat du Congo , p. 189.
129. Huizinga, Paul-Henri Spaak, De l'émeute à l'OTAN, Ed. Paul Legrain,
Brussel, 1988, p. 32-33-34.
130. Idem, p. 50.
131. Idem, p. 53.
132. Idem, p. 76.
133. Idem, p. 84 et 92.
134. Henri De Man, Après Coup , Ed. Toison d'Or, Brussel-Parijs, 1941, p.
297-299.
135. Idem, p. 306.
136. Idem, p. 319.
137. Recueil de Documents établi par le secrétariat du Roi 1936-1949 , niet
gedateerd, p. 348-349.
138. Verslag Nationale Bank, p. 118.
139. Tijdschrift Nationale Bank , november 1995, Tabel XII 1a.
140. Le Soir, 2/5/96, p. 3.
141. De Nieuwe Gazet, 15/3/96.
142. L'Hebdo, RTBF 1-TV, 24/3/96.
143. RTBF1- TV, Mise au point , 19/11/95.
144. Busquin in Le Peuple , 4/4/96, p. 4; Le Soir , 19/3/96, p.
3.
145. Le Soir , 19/2/96.
146. Journal et Indépendace , 2/4/96, p. 4.
147. Le Peuple , 7/3/96, p. 4.
148. Le Soir, 3/4/96, p. 3.
149. Le Soir, 5/12/95.
150. L'Echo, 11/5/96, p. 2.
151. Le Soir, 2/5/96, p. 1.
152. Le Soir, 2/5/96, p. 3.
153. La Nouvelle Gazette, 3/5/ 96, p. 2.
Workers' Party of Belgium (WPB)
171 Boulevard Lemonnier
B-1000 Brussels, Belgium
Tel: + 32 2 513 77 60
Fax: + 32 2 513 98 31
E-mail wpb@wpb.be